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Intro | Content Analysis | Audience | Economics | Ownership | News Investment | Public Attitudes | Conclusion | Charts & Tables
Ownership
No area of the media landscape has been untouched by consolidation.
With radio, this movement creates an interesting dichotomy.
The general public probably understands that network anchors
like Dan Rather or Katie Couric do not work at their local
television station even though they appear on the same channel
as their local anchors. There is even a certain cachet to
clearly demonstrating the difference: local television stations
market the fact that they are part of the ABC or CBS News
family.
Radio, on the other hand, is moving away from such distinctions.
Technology has made it ever easier to seamlessly splice pieces
of local information into a generic broadcast to give the
appearance that the programming is local. Radio listeners
may not give a second thought to what company might stand
behind their local radio station. They may be aware of the
presence of corporations like Clear Channel or Infinity Broadcasting,
but they might not understand how large their presence is.
More than that, they might not know what impact the ownership
question has on what they listen to.
But the level of consolidation in radio exceeds that of
most media, particularly in the case of one company, Clear
Channel. Because it has become so large, it is viewed, particularly
by critics, as a kind of canary in the mineshaft, a harbinger
of some of the possible consequences of consolidation. The
phenomenon has even taken on a name, "Clear Channelization,"
so dubbed by Thomas C. Green, a writer for the UK-based IT
News Service The Register.
Understanding the current ownership structure first requires
some examination of the level of consolidation that has occurred.
If we look at the top three owners over the last several
years we see that, in 1999, Clear Channel, Cumulus Broadcasting
and Citadel Communication Corporation, combined, owned fewer
than 1,000 stations. Today they own just over 1,600, with
Clear Channel owning 1,207 of them. Much of this gain can
be attributed to a change in the Telecommunications Act of
1996, which eliminated the rule that capped the number of
stations one company could own at 40. That change allowed
Clear Channel to acquire the 460-station AMFM Inc. in June
2000. Before that change, Clear Channel owned a mere 43 stations.
As of 2002, 21 companies own more than 40 stations each.
Number of Stations Owned by Top Broadcasting
Companies
| Owner |
All Stations |
News |
Other |
| Clear Channel Communications |
1207 |
135 |
1072 |
| Cumulus Broadcasting Inc |
268 |
23 |
245 |
| Citadel Communications Corporation |
218 |
24 |
194 |
| Infinity Broadcasting |
184 |
20 |
164 |
| American Family Association Inc |
107 |
0 |
107 |
| Entercom |
105 |
13 |
92 |
| Salem Communications Corporation |
91 |
6 |
85 |
| Regent Communications Inc |
76 |
8 |
68 |
| Cox Broadcasting |
76 |
7 |
69 |
| ABC Radio Inc |
74 |
5 |
69 |
| Saga Communications Inc |
71 |
9 |
62 |
| Educational Media Foundation |
64 |
0 |
64 |
| Radio One Inc |
63 |
4 |
59 |
| Univision Communications Inc |
61 |
0 |
61 |
| NextMedia Group |
58 |
6 |
52 |
| Entravision Holdings LLC |
57 |
0 |
57 |
| Waitt Broadcasting Inc |
54 |
3 |
51 |
| Triad Broadcasting Company |
46 |
6 |
40 |
| Forever Broadcasting Inc |
43 |
5 |
38 |
| Beasley Broadcast Group |
42 |
4 |
38 |
Combined, the top 20 companies own more than 20 percent of
all domestic radio stations. The top-five companies own more
than 14 percent of the total number of stations. Clear Channel
has stations in 191 of the 289 Arbitron-rated markets. The
second-largest organization, Cumulus, only operates in 55.
Compare this with the fifth-largest owner, the American Family
Association, which owns the Christian radio station group
American Family Radio in 36 markets.
While all this represents significant consolidation, Clear
Channel stands apart. It is the only company, for instance,
to operate at least one station in each of the 25 top radio
markets. ABC Radio and Infinity (Viacom) are the next two
companies with the greatest reach, but they each have stations
only in the top 10 markets.
According to the Future of Music Coalition report, Clear Channel
enjoyed a nationwide share of 27 percent share of radio listeners
(103.4 million) in winter of 2002. By means of comparison,
this would mean that Clear Channel reached roughly one-third
of the estimated population of the United States. Only Infinity
(Viacom) came close to that with a 15 percent share (59.1
million listeners). From there, percentages drop down below
4 percent share (15.3 million listeners) to include such companies
as Cox Communications (3.5 percent share), Entercom (3.4 percent
share), ABC Radio (3.3 percent share) and Citadel (2.7 percent
share).
What difference does this make? Critics like the Future of
Music Coalition contend it is creating homogenization of culture,
making it difficult for new artists and real innovation in
music. Groups on the other side, such as the National Association
of Broadcasters, contend the superior resources and expanded
formatting of modern radio companies has meant more music
choices for listeners, not fewer. Those issues are beyond
the scope of this report, which is focused on journalism.
But one aspect of so-called Clear Channelization, and voice-tracking,
the technology of producing the content for radio stations
from far away, does have to do with journalism. What is the
impact on local cities if there are fewer people, and certainly
fewer people working as journalists, at the local radio station?
Critics are quick to point to an incident that occurred
in January of 2002. Of the 80 commercial radio stations in
the state of North Dakota at that time, 23 of them were owned
by Clear Channel. In the city of Minot, N.D., Clear Channel
owned all six of the city's commercial radio stations, leaving
only a public radio station and a Christian station as alternatives.
The situation proved to be critical when a train derailment
caused a cloud of anhydrous ammonia that killed one man and
sent hundreds to the hospital.
What happened next has been debated. The police said that
they were unable to contact anyone at KCJB, a Clear Channel
station that was the designated emergency broadcast station.
The station was utilizing voice-tracking technology. Voice-tracking
allows a single host to record programming, which can then
be distributed in multiple cities. The content is often punctuated
with details specifically related to the listening area to
give the illusion that the radio host is local. Clear Channel
has said that there were staff members on the station's premises
and that the police simply did not know how to utilize the
system. It is unclear who was at fault ultimately, but clearly
something went wrong.
What other impact has there been on news? According to a
Future of Music Coalition analysis of BIAfn data, four companies-Viacom,
Clear Channel, ABC Radio and Entercom-now command 67 percent
of news radio listeners, some 38 million people, as of May
16, 2003.
The National Association of Broadcasters has said there has
been no negative impact from this consolidation. The NAB said
that a survey of listeners had found that Americans were happy
with their radio news and that there were a greater number
of formats and availability for listeners than ever before.
A December 2002 survey by The Mellman Group for NAB reported
that 78 percent of Americans felt that their radio stations
played an important role in providing news and information
to their communities (37 percent very important and 41 percent
somewhat important). In addition, 66 percent said that they
were satisfied with the job their local stations were doing
in providing them news, information and entertainment programming
(37 percent very satisfied and 29 percent somewhat satisfied).
The question of consolidation impact is not easily resolved
and is more complex than individuals on either side of the
debate might want the public to believe. Trying to get an
objective, data-centered perspective on the situation is further
complicated by the fact that consolidation has required the
readjustment of many of the academic instruments that sought
to keep track of the state of news on the radio. For example,
while it is true that the number of people in newsrooms is
growing, it is also true that those newsrooms are serving
multiple news stations and that a good portion of those stations
are not even in the same market as the newsroom. By extension,
data from the RTNDA suggest that the average radio station
is locally producing 44 minutes of news per weekday. But,
again, this is now a measurement of what is being produced
by news departments, not individual stations. Because these
departments are now serving a greater number of stations,
it might be extrapolated that there is actually, overall,
less news being produced.
The necessary change in the survey methodology limits any
ability to make a precise determination about this.
But we do know some things of importance. Technologies like
voice-tracking and the FCC's elimination of requirements that
stations produce news and public affairs programming are transforming
what used to be a hyper-local medium that offered school lunch
menus into a network of hubs, run by central locations where
programming decisions are made. In spite of this, statistics
on radio listenership and levels of audience satisfaction
do not demonstrate either a remarkable level of decline or
a level of dissatisfaction out of line with other media sources.
Is it that the news being produced under these new situations
is not significantly different than the news being produced
before? Or is this an impact of the habitual nature of radio
usage?
Radio is virtually everywhere -- in the gym, at the grocery
store, in the car. Are people expressing satisfaction because
they believe they are getting the information they need to
participate in their community? Or is it that they are satisfied
with the news they are getting on their radio station of choice
because they tune in for the music and the news content is
secondary? When responding to surveys do listeners remember
hearing news once an hour and feel that the mere presence
(or even lack of presence) of news on their radio station
is satisfactory and disregard the content of those reports?
These questions seem to beg increased attention as those
who concern themselves with studying radio news reorient their
work in this age of massive consolidation.
Click
here to view footnotes for this section.
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